Virginia’s outgoing governor, Republican Glenn Youngkin, can boast one of the most successful conservative initiatives of the last decade. He and his team acted boldly on higher education policy, and they did so in a responsible, methodical way. That story offers a model of how today’s right-of-center leaders can advance a reform agenda even in these polarized times.
Yet Youngkin’s recently inaugurated successor, Democrat Abigail Spanberger, has moved quickly to roll back his efforts. Since Virginia is one of the few purple states remaining, this sudden turnabout reveals where Democrats and Republicans disagree on higher education. It also offers a lesson about process: despite their policy differences, Youngkin and Spanberger employed the same basic strategy, using the governor’s authority to appoint members to the governing boards of public colleges in order to enact their respective visions.
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On her first day in office, Spanberger issued a spate of executive orders, including one requiring a review of the system for appointing members to the governing boards of public universities (called “boards of visitors” in Virginia). These powerful boards hire and fire college presidents, establish the most important campus policies, and approve the creation or termination of academic programs, among other functions.
In most states, including Virginia, the governor appoints these board members (typically with state senate confirmation). My research (soon to be released in a Manhattan Institute report) finds that 87 percent of undergraduates in America’s four-year public universities attend schools whose boards are controlled by the state’s governor.
Spanberger’s order argues that a key to reform is ensuring that boards “are composed of individuals dedicated to upholding the quality, independence, and reputation of our institutions.” The implication, of course, is that this was not the case under the previous administration. Indeed, toward the end of Youngkin’s term, the Democrat-controlled state senate rejected dozens of his appointees. On the same day she issued the executive order, Spanberger filled an astonishing 27 board seats with her own appointees.
Despite Spanberger’s rhetoric, these moves are a reaction to Youngkin’s highly effective higher-ed reform effort. Though he came into office on a wave of public frustration about K-12 schooling, Youngkin and his team dedicated significant energy to the state’s public colleges and universities. While many recent conservative leaders have focused largely on DEI and free-speech issues, Youngkin had a more expansive agenda, aiming to reduce costs, improve the return on investment, address mental-health concerns, encourage innovation, and more.
The understated process Youngkin used was as important as the agenda itself. He didn’t launch a public-relations war against Virginia’s public schools. Instead, he clearly articulated his administration’s priorities and appointed board members aligned with that agenda. He regularly met with college presidents. His team worked with institutions to set performance goals and track progress.
Youngkin’s opponents claimed that he was “politicizing” higher education. This criticism is wrongheaded, confusing “policy” with “politics.” Public colleges and universities are state entities, generously funded by taxpayers to advance the state’s interests. A governor has every right to undertake policy reforms.
This is true in all policy areas, but especially in higher education. Precisely because colleges and universities are insulated, because faculties get to choose their own colleagues, and because of tenure rules, campuses can become ideologically homogeneous and resistant to necessary change.
No doubt, Youngkin’s boards engaged in some of the era’s most contentious debates. His appointees clashed with administrators at George Mason University over DEI issues. They had to address the pressure that the Trump administration placed on the University of Virginia (due to objections over its lack of adherence to federal policies).
But those high-profile, hot-button episodes overshadow the more important story: American voters have expressed serious concerns about the state of higher education, and a governor used legitimate means to address them. Perhaps fearing his success, the Democrat-controlled state legislature rejected many of Youngkin’s board appointees toward the end of his term, regardless of their qualifications. That left Spanberger many seats to fill upon election.
Some of the new governor’s appointees have little experience with higher-education policy or governance. Several are Democratic politicians, and at least 13 were donors to Spanberger’s campaign. It’s too soon to tell what these appointees—and the new governor, for that matter—hope to accomplish. It remains to be seen whether they have a different vision on affordability, the value of degrees, or free speech and inquiry; whether they intend to defy Washington on DEI matters; and if they will seek to thwart Virginia voters’ desire for reform.
Moving forward, we should ask three main questions. First: How will Governor Spanberger’s board-focused strategy change higher education in Virginia over the next four years?
The second question relates to the November elections: Will state voters elevate leaders who promise to reform public universities? Gubernatorial elections will be held in 36 states, including at least six— Arizona, Georgia, Kansas, Michigan, Nevada, and Wisconsin—where we could see a switch in party control. A party flip in these states could result in Virginia-like higher-ed machinations.
The last question relates to 2028. Governor Youngkin’s low-key demeanor and performance-management sensibilities harken back to an earlier era of conservative governing. On arguably the most polarizing domestic-policy issue of the day—the state of higher education—his approach was understated, process-oriented, and effective. Is this the path forward for conservatives on education policy—and policy in general?
Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images